‘History of Public Sector Unions reading,

George Meany's position (1955): Meany's reasoning was similar. He believed it was "impossible to bargain collectively with the government" because public sector unions could not use the same pressure tactics as private sector unions. In the private sector, unions can strike to cripple a company's production and profit, but Meany felt that such a strategy was inappropriate and ineffective against the government, as the "employer" is not a profit-driven entity. He also recognized that the government is guided by laws, which restricts the scope of what can be negotiated.

Do I agree with their position? I do not fully agree with their position. While their arguments about the unique nature of public service and the role of the public as the ultimate "employer" have some validity, they overlook the core purpose of unions. All workers, public or private, deserve a voice in their working conditions. Without collective bargaining, public employees may face stagnant wages, poor working conditions, and a lack of a formal grievance process. The solution to the "unthinkable strike" issue is not to deny collective bargaining, but to create alternative dispute resolution mechanisms, such as binding arbitration, which many public sector union contracts now include. This allows for fair negotiations while preserving essential public services.

2. The "Social-Justice" Approach to Union Organizing

According to the "History of Public Sector Unions" reading, the "social-justice" approach to union organizing goes beyond simply focusing on "bread-and-butter" issues like wages and benefits for members. Instead, it seeks to link the union's struggle with broader social and community concerns. This approach recognizes that the well-being of union members is intertwined with the well-being of the wider community.

This approach was demonstrated in several public sector organizing examples:

The Memphis Sanitation Strike (1968): This is a prime example. The striking workers were not only fighting for better pay and working conditions but also for human dignity and civil rights. Their struggle became part of the larger Civil Rights Movement, with Martin Luther King Jr. lending his support. The union's fight became a fight for the rights of all black people in Memphis, linking their labor struggle to the social-justice cause.

The Chicago Teachers Union (CTU): The CTU has been at the forefront of this model. They've used the concept of "bargaining for the common good," negotiating not just for their own salaries but for smaller class sizes, more school nurses, and a moratorium on school closings. These are issues that directly benefit students and the wider community, not just the union members. The CTU's organizing efforts have often been in partnership with community groups and parents.

Sample Answer

1. The Basis for FDR's and George Meany's Position on Public Sector Unions

Both Franklin D. Roosevelt (FDR) and AFL-CIO leader George Meany, despite being champions of private sector unions, expressed reservations about extending collective bargaining rights to the public sector.

FDR's position (1937): The basis for FDR's opposition was that the relationship between a government employer and its employees is fundamentally different from a private sector one. In a private company, the employer is a single entity. However, in the public sector, the employer is "the whole people," represented by elected officials in Congress. FDR argued that this makes it impossible for administrative officials to truly bind the government in a collective bargaining agreement. Furthermore, he believed that public sector strikes were "unthinkable and intolerable" because they would prevent or obstruct the operations of government, which are essential services for the public.