Women’s Life during the Song

Women’s Life during the Song Order Description Major Issues Short essay: no less than 250 words. In your essay, you should engage with course materials, including lectures and readings, in a coherent way. Abstract In Song-dynasty Kaifeng, empire and emporia existed in a relationship of mutual dependence and mutual competition. Th e imperial government depended on merchants for the shipment of grain and goods to supply its massive armies and to pay the salaries of its offi - cials; the merchants derived their income directly or indirectly from these government expenditures. Th e concentration of wealth and goods in the capital generated in turn a culture of sumptuary competition. Th e contests over space in the streets of the capital, and the competition for the goods that circulated through them, reveal confi gurations of power that rarely fi nd direct expression in writing. À Kaifeng, capitale des Song du Nord, l’empire et les emporia se trouvaient dans une relation de dépendance mais aussi de compétition. En eff et, le gouvernement impérial dépendait des marchands pour le transport des grains et des marchandises avec lesquels il approvisionnait ses armées et payait les traitements de ses fonctionnaires. Réciproquement les marchands tiraient la plupart de leurs revenus des dépenses gouvernementales. La concentration des richesses et des biens dans la capitale entraîna en retour une compétition somptuaire. La concurrence pour l’espace dans les rues métropolitaines et les rivalités pour *) Christian de Pee, Department of History, University of Michigan, USA, cdepee@ umich.edu. I wish to express my gratitude to Jos Gommans for inviting me to participate in the conference on “Empires and Emporia,” and to publish the resulting paper. A semester of nurturance leave during the winter of 2008, kindly granted by the College of Literature, Science, and the Arts at the University of Michigan, aff orded me the time to write the essay. In addition to the participants in the JESHO conference, audience members at the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of California at Berkeley and participants in a lively session of the Premodern Colloquium at the University of Michigan off ered valuable insights and criticisms. I am grateful to Linda Cooke Johnson, Lara Kusnetzky, Rachel Neis, Michael Nylan, Helmut Puff , Ivo Smits, Angela Zito, and an anonymous reader for JESHO for their comments on the manuscript, and for their encouragement. 150 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 l’appropriation des biens qui y circulaient révèlent des confi gurations de pouvoir rarement exprimées de manière explicite dans les textes. Keywords empires, markets, Song China, Kaifeng, imperial and commercial city-space Located at the northern end of the Grand Canal, at a confl uence of rivers and a convergence of roads, Bian Prefecture became an important commercial city during the Tang dynasty (618-907), as it provided produce and raw materials from the southern regions to the capital cities Luoyang and Chang’an, which lay westward along the postal roads and along the Luo and Yellow Rivers.1 In 907, the founding emperor of the Later Liang (907-23) named Bian Prefecture his Eastern Capital and converted the yamen of the Military Commissioner into his palace.2 Th e city also remained a prefectural seat, newly named Kaifeng Prefecture, and it became in addition the seat of Kaifeng and Junyi counties.3 Th e Later Jin (936-46), too, chose this busy commercial city as its capital, both for its convenient infrastructure and for its geomantic location: “Bian Prefecture, now, lies at a vital node of roads and waterways, in a powerful confi guration of mountains and rivers. It is the land of a myriad warehouses and a thousand regions; it is the crossroads of the four thoroughfares and the eight directions.” 4 Emperor Gaozu (r. 936-44) renamed the buildings and the gates of the small palace city, and retained the seats of Kaifeng Prefecture, Kaifeng County, and Junyi County.5 When the founding emperor of the Later Zhou (951-60) in turn established his capital at Kaifeng, in the fi rst 1) See Chen Youzhong ???, “Tang-Wudai Luoyang-Kaifeng jian de jiaotong luxian” ?????????????. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao 3 (1985): 65. On the increasing agricultural and economic importance of the southeast during the Tang and Song periods see, for example, M. Elvin, Th e Pattern of the Chinese Past: A Social and Economic Interpretation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973): 113-78; R. M. Hartwell, “Demographic, Political, and Social Transformations of China, 750-1550.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42 (1982): 365-442; Shiba Yoshinobu, Commerce and Society in Sung China, transl. M. Elvin (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1968). 2) See Gao Cheng ??, Shiwu jiyuan ???? (1085; Siku quanshu edition): 6.41a, 6.42b; Wang Bo ??, Wudai huiyao ???? (961; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978): 5.78. 3) See Wang Bo, Wudai huiyao: 19.307. 4) Wang Qinro ??? et al., eds, Cefu yuangui ???? (1013; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960): 14.25b. 5) See Wang Bo, Wudai huiyao: 5.79-80, 19.307-8; Wang Qinro, Cefu yuangui: 14.24b-26b. Purchase on Power 151 month of 952, the narrow streets and crowded neighborhoods had become unmanageable: When the king establishes his domain, it is truly called “the capital.” For the measurements of its grounds and the settlement of its people exist fi rm prior principles. Th e Eastern Capital is the hub of the civilized and the barbarian worlds, the intersection of roads and waterways. As the times tend toward abundant peace, it will grow more prosperous each day. Yet because the city walls are old and because the structure of the city has not been expanded, the army camps of the garrisons are cramped, and space is wanting for the construction of the offi ces of the government offi cials . . . . Th e houses, too, stand close together. Th e streets and intersections are narrow and abject. During the summer, the heat and the humidity are miserable, and there is ever the worry of smoke and fi re. For the convenience of the government and the people, the city must be enlarged. It is therefore befi tting to command the responsible authorities to build a new defense wall on all four sides of the capital.6 Begun in 955, the construction of the new wall was completed in 958 by the naming of its ten gates. Th e ample girth of the new wall, some twentyeight kilometers in circumference, enclosed broad imperial avenues, paved streets lined with trees, imposing government buildings, and new residential neighborhoods.7 Th e triple wall, however, failed to protect the palace of the Later Zhou when Military Commissioner Zhao Kuangyin ??? (927-74) turned his troops against the imperial house and founded the Song dynasty (960-1279).8 Th us stood the Eastern Capital of the Song Empire on the western edge of the Central Plain. By 976, its rivers and canals carried “several million bushels of rice a year from the Yangzi and Huai regions” to feed “the hundreds of thousands of troops stationed at the capital.”9 Th e contents of its 6) Wang Bo, Wudai huiyao: 26.417; Wang Qinro, Cefu yuangui: 14.27b-28a. Cf. Gao Cheng, Shiwu jiyuan: 6.41b. Because the previous wall of Bian Prefecture was retained, the Eastern Capital after 958 had three walls: the wall of the palace city; the old prefectural city wall, known as the “old” or the “inner” wall ( jiucheng ??, licheng ??), 11.55 kilometers in length; and the “new” or “defense” wall (xincheng ??, luocheng ??). 7) See Li Lian ??, Bianjing yiji zhi ????? (1546; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1999): 1.2; Wang Qinro, Cefu yuangui: 14.28ab; Xue Juzheng ???, Jiu Wudai shi ???? (974; Baina edition): 116.1a, 118.6b. Cf. Cheng Ziliang ??? and Li Qingyin ???, eds, Kaifeng chengshi shi ????? (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 1993): 45-6; Zhou Baozhu ???, Songdai Dongjing yanjiu ?????? (Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe. 1992): 14-5. 8) See Xue Juzheng, Jiu Wudai shi: 120.7ab. 9) Li Tao ??, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian ??????? (1183; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992): 17.369; Shao Bowen ???, Shaoshi wenjian lu ????? (1151; Beijing: 152 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 warehouses sustained the growing imperial family and aff orded the salaries of government offi cials.10 Its ten gates admitted carts of produce for the markets and the restaurants, and the products of the imperial foundries and kilns built on the outskirts of the city. Th e roads brought in candidates for the imperial examinations and foreign ambassadors, and carried away imperial edicts and appointed offi cials to distant corners of the realm. Although Song Taizu (r. 960-76) had hoped to move the capital to his native Luoyang—“to rid of the superfl uity of soldiers by taking advantage of the excellent powers of the landscape, to follow the precedent of the Zhou and Han dynasties, and thereby to bring peace to the empire”—his offi cials persuaded him that only the infrastructure of his Eastern Capital could maintain his armies and his government.11 By successive repairs and fortifi cations, the outer wall was expanded to a circumference of more than twenty-nine kilometers, with fourteen city gates and seven water gates. Yet the growing population spilled beyond it in uncounted numbers, clearing markets and building houses, erecting stores and restaurants, and planting gardens in the ever expanding suburbs. By the end of the eleventh century, the number of residents in the walled city and the suburban streets may have reached a million and a half.12 Zhonghua shuju, 1983): 7.66; Wang Cheng ??, Dongdu shilüe ???? (1186; Taipei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1967): 28.5ab. According to Cai Xiang ?? (1012-67), 1.2 million troops were stationed at the capital in 1064. See Zhao Ruyu ???, ed., Songchao zhuchen zouyi ?????? (1186; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999): 148.1694. Th e annual shipment of rice from the Southeast appears to have amounted to about “six million piculs” (liubai wan dan ????), a number mentioned by Ouyang Xiu ??? (1007- 72) for the 1040s, by Su Shi ?? (1036-1101) for around 1068, and by Wang Xiang ?? (fl . 1120s) for 1126. See Ouyang Xiu ???, Ouyang Xiu quanji ????? (ca. 1072; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001): 32.477-8; Lü Zuqian ???, ed., Song wenjian ??? (1179; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992): 56.844; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 45.480. Cf. Shen Gua ??, Mengqi bitan ???? (1086-93; 1305; Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1975): 12.8b. 10) On the warehouses see, for example, Meng Yuanlao ??? (attr.), Dongjing meng Hua lu ????? (1147; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982): 1.41, 1.46-7. Cf. Zhou Baozhu, Songdai Dongjing yanjiu: 16-7. 11) Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian: 17.369; Shao Bowen, Shaoshi wenjian lu: 7.66; Wang Cheng, Dongdu shilüe: 28.5ab. 12) See Chen Zhen ??, Songdai shehui zhengzhi lungao ???????? (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 2007): 165-9; Cheng Ziliang and Li Qingyin, Kaifeng chengshi shi: 88-9; Shiba Yoshinobu ????, Chûgoku toshi shi ????? (Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppansha, 2002): 33-4; Wu Songdi ???, Zhongguo renkou shi: Liao Song Jin Yuan shiqi ?????:?????? (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe. 2000): 574; Purchase on Power 153 Yet the tremendous, unprecedented supply system operated by a series of dynamic contradictions that both urged and threatened its continuity. Th e open infrastructure that enabled the maintenance of standing armies in numbers “unequaled in the entirety of the imperial past,” also rendered the presence of such armies necessary, as the capital lay open to attack on all sides.13 Th e effi cient roads and waterways that brought fresh produce could also bring rebels or foreign soldiers. Th e traders who supplied the imperial court with the building materials, the textiles, the precious metals and stones, the rare foods, and the exquisite dyes to project its splendid power, sold the same goods to wealthy merchants and offi cials, who competed with each other and with the court in fashions and in conspicuous display. Th e imperial kinsmen, the government offi cials, the soldiers, the shopkeepers, the restaurant owners, and the other inhabitants of the capital, who in their hundreds of thousands sustained and protected the functioning of the imperial government, also threatened the safety of the imperial house by building dwellings near defense works, by starting fi res, and by spreading epidemics. Th e diverse population lived in mixed neighborhoods of residences and shops that abutted the walls of the palace city, in close proximity to the monarch and his kin. Th e rivers and canals that gave convenient access to the imperial warehouses also brought the danger of devastating fl oods. In the wide avenues and the close streets of the Eastern Capital, within the massive walls and along the freighted canals, the contradictions between imperial power and commercial prowess assumed concrete shape. Th e ostentatious residences of wealthy merchants, the imperial storehouses of auspicious portents, and the changeable fashions and hairstyles of the capital render visible to the historian competing, contrary notions of power that shaped and defi ned one another. Th e anxiety of the imperial court and some of its offi cials about the mobility of wealth, the fl uidity of social status, the avid competition for material possessions, and the infringement of shops and residences onto sacred ritual space bring into view the profound meaning of the imperial vision of the capital: an ideal grid of imposing avenues and Wu Tao ??, Bei Song ducheng Dongjing ?????? (Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1984): 37; Zhou Baozhu, Songdai Dongjing yanjiu: 319-24. 13) Th e quote is from a 1064 memorial by Cai Xiang. See Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 148.1694. Cf. ibid.: 127.1397. In a fascinating essay entitled “Th e Settlement of the Capital” (“An du” ??), Qin Guan ?? (1049-1100) argues that the open infrastructure of Kaifeng, suited to the supply of armies and to the conduct of war, renders it the fi tting capital of a commercial age. See Li Lian, Bianjing yiji zhi: 339-41. 154 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 sacred sites, whose inhabitants are ranked and marked by a strict, unambiguous hierarchy that determines the distribution of the wealth of the realm as it fl ows in from the provinces. Although commercial wealth thus challenged the fi xity of the imperial order, it depended entirely upon the government. Th e conspicuous consumption of the Eastern Capital was funded, not by the independent profi ts of industrial manufacturing, but by the tax grain that provided the salaries of high offi cials and the commissions of shipping merchants alike. For Kaifeng was, after all, a consuming city, where the imperial workshops produced on command and where retailers dominated the economy. 14 Scholarship on the Song dynasty has tended at times to present the imperial apparatus of classical ritual and sumptuary restrictions as the moribund remains of a prior age, and to exaggerate the sophistication of the urban economy.15 It is unwise, however, to dismiss as disingenuous a coherent view of the ritual city that was propagated in the erudite prose of the most talented men of the era, or to assign to diff erent periods economies of power that encroached upon one another in the streets of the same city. Th e contests over space in those streets, and the competition for the goods that circulated through them, reveal confi gurations of power that rarely fi nd direct expression in the texts of the period. Th e infringements upon the ritual space of the capital and upon the sumptuary laws of the empire make visible, especially, the power of the “puissant families” (hao ?), an amorphous group of anonymous families who exist as a negative presence in the sources, but whose assertion of infl uence by means of wealth and prestige 14) See L. J. L. Ma, Commercial Development and Urban Change in Sung China (960-1279) (Ann Arbor: Department of Geography, University of Michigan, 1971): 6, 118-20 et seq.; Quan Hansheng ???, Zhongguo jingjishi luncong ??????? (Hong Kong: Xinya yanjiusuo, 1972): 186-99; Wu Tao, Bei Song ducheng Dongjing: 60, 90; Zhao Baojun ???, “Shilun Kaifeng zhi shengshuai” ???????. In Zhongguo gudu yanjiu ????? ?, ed., Zhongguo gudu xuehui ?????? (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1985): 246. Cf. E. A. Kracke, Jr., “Sung K’ai-feng: Pragmatic Metropolis and Formalistic Capital.” In Crisis and Prosperity in Sung China, ed. J. Winthrop Haeger (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1975): 51-2. 15) See, for example, Cheng Ziliang and Li Qingyin, Kaifeng chengshi shi: 57-9; Dai Junliang ???, ed., Zhongguo chengshi fazhan shi ??????? (Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1992): 207-8; Chye Kiang Heng, Cities of Aristocrats and Bureaucrats: The Development of Medieval Chinese Cityscapes (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1999): 67; A. F. Wright, “Th e Cosmology of the Chinese City.” In The City in Late Imperial China, ed. G. W. Skinner (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977): 60; Wu Tao, Bei Song ducheng Dongjing: 14; Zhou Baozhu, Songdai Dongjing yanjiu: 20. Purchase on Power 155 challenged the ritual hierarchy of the imperial court and drew emperors and imperial kinsmen into vain contests of ostentatious consumption. Imperial Space: Avenues, Altars, Omens In the fi rst month of 962, imperial builders began the expansion of the old government compound of Bian Prefecture to create an imperial city and a palace city worthy of the grand empire of Song. With its circumference of fi ve kilometers, the new imperial city remained small compared to the enormous palace compounds of the Han (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang empires, but it could now at least accommodate a central axis of lofty palaces, as well as temples and central government offi ces to the south, east, and west, and private quarters and a garden in the quiet rear to the north.16 Th e palaces were laid out, moreover, according to the plan of the Tangdynasty imperial city at Luoyang, and all buildings and gates were given auspicious names of cosmological propriety and classical virtue: “At this point did the imperial residence fi rst attain its forceful beauty.”17 To the south of the capital, some four kilometers outside the central city gate, a hill was found whose proportions of natural dignity fi tted it to become the Altar of Heaven. Simply terraced and marked with ritual gates at the four compass points, this became the central, most sacred site in the realm.18 Additional temples, monasteries, and pagodas arose within the walls of the capital to assist in the legitimate rule of the new dynasty. At the cardinal gates in the outer wall, at the end of the four right-angled imperial avenues, stretched elegant imperial parks with lakes, forests, and rare animals and plants. Th e names of the buildings and sites changed, individually or 16) Li You ??, Songchao shishi ???? (early Southern Song; Siku quanshu edition): juan 6; Toghto ?? et al., eds, Songshi ?? (1345; Baina edition): 85.4b-6b; Xu Song ?? et al., eds, Song huiyao jigao ????? (Song; ca. 1820; Taipei: Xin wenfeng, 1976): fangyu 1.2b-7b; Ye Mengde ???, Shilin yanyu ???? (1128; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984): 6.83-4. Cf. also Kaifengshi wenwu gongzuodui ????????, Kaifeng kaogu faxian yu yanjiu ????????? (Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1998): 173-8, 186-8. 17) Gao Cheng, Shiwu jiyuan: 6.42b-43a. See also Fan Zhen ??, Dongzhai jishi ???? (11th century; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980): 1.3; Kaifengshi wenwu gongzuodui, Kaifeng kaogu faxian: 175-6, 186-8; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.2b-7b, 1.11ab; Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu: 6.83-4. Emperor Taizong (r. 976-97) canceled plans for further expansion in 985. See Toghto, Songshi: 85.4b; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.11b-12a. 18) See Li You, Songchao shishi: 11.1a; Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 3.39, 11.138-9. 156 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 collectively, as cosmic occurrences and imperial prestige required. All thirty-two city gates were renamed in 979, all but four of the 136 wards received new names in 995, and bridges, palace buildings, gates, and wards were again renamed in 1012.19 According to Ye Mengde ??? (1077- 1148), the main halls in the palace changed names continuously, especially after inauspicious palace fi res.20 Th is city of palaces and altars, of gates and temples, of auspicious names and cosmic confi gurations, was the Eastern Capital. Th e orderly city that stretched around him in 982 was to Tian Xi ?? (940-1003) the expression of the unifi ed empire: “At present, all under Heaven is united by a single house; everything within the seas is unifi ed in a continuous realm. Th e four quarters converge upon the even grid of the imperial domain; the myriad goods gather in the rich abundance of the capital city. Among the army camps and cavalry stables, not a single is lacking in lofty awe; of the Buddhist monasteries and Daoist temples, every one is possessed of forceful beauty.”21 When Fan Zhongyan ??? (989-1052) in 1042 urged the fortifi cation of the capital, he summarized the whole of its importance by a list of defi ning sites and persons: “the Ancestral Temple and the Altars of Soil and Grain, the Forbidden City and the storehouses of wealth and arms; the kinsmen of the imperial family and their relatives by marriage, the families of the thousand offi cials and the noblemen; the six armies and the myriad people—the relatives of the blood are all here.”22 Although the Song had succeeded to the capital of the Later Zhou, its numinous environs suited the “fi ery virtue” of the mandate of the new dynasty.23 Th e Western Capital at Luoyang, the Southern Capital at Shangqiu, and the 19) See Gao Cheng, Shiwu jiyuan: 6.41b-42b; Li Lian, Bianjing yiji zhi: 1.4-7; Song Minqiu ???, Chunming tuichao lu ????? (1070s; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980): 1.11; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.12a-13b. 20) See Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu: 6.83-4. Cf. Shen Gua, Mengqi bitan: 3.11b-12a; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.3a. 21) Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 145.1645. 22) Fan Zhongyan ???, Fan Wenzhenggong ji ????? (1089; Sibu congkan edition): 19.9a; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 126.1390. Cf. Fan Zhongyan, Fan Wenzhenggong ji: 19.11b. Cf. also the geography laid out in Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.1a-7b, 1.23a. 23) Th at is, the mandate of the Song dynasty was associated with the Fire Phase of the Five Phases. See Wang Qinro, Cefu yuangui: 1.4b. On the general importance accorded to geomancy in the founding of capitals during the Song, see Wang Qinro, Cefu yuangui: 13.1a- 2a; Wang Shu ?? et al., eds, Dili xinshu ???? (1050s; 1184; 1192; Taipei: Jiwen shuju, 1985): preface.2b, 1.20a-26a. Purchase on Power 157 Northern Capital at Daming stood likewise in auspicious surroundings, their palaces evenly arrayed and protected by ritual and benevolence.24 Its square walls made the Eastern Capital a simulacrum of the Earth.25 Th e terraces of the Round Mound gave worldly shape to Heaven.26 Th e straight lines of the palace axes and the “even grid” of the imperial avenues manifested indiscriminately a cosmological aesthetics and sacred authority, perspicacious power and incorruptible virtue: Th e Eastern Capital was called Bian Prefecture during the Tang. Emperor Taizu [r. 907-13] of the Liang dynasty erected Establishing Prosperity Hall at the site of the Xuanwu [Propagating Arms] prefectural yamen. Under the Jin its name was changed to Great Peace Hall. Although Emperor Shizong [r. 954-57] of the Zhou dynasty undertook renovations, these yet failed to create a structure suited to a true king. Not long after Emperor Taizu [of the Song] had received the Mandate of Heaven, he sent a Commissioner to draw up a map of the Great Within of the Western Capital, and he altered [the imperial city in the Eastern Capital] according to this plan. When the work was completed, the Emperor seated himself in Myriad Years Palace and ordered that all gates be thrown wide open. Everything lay square and straight, in one line. Th e Emperor sighed, “Th is is what I desired. Th e slightest crookedness or deviance will be visible to everyone.” One day the Emperor ascended Illuminating Virtue Gate. Pointing to its plaque, he asked Zhao Pu [922-92], “ ‘Gate of Illuminating Virtue’—why is the character zhi [‘of ’] used here?” Pu said that it was “an auxiliary word.” “Zhi, hu, zhe, ye,” said the Emperor, “what help have these ever provided to anyone?” Pu had no reply.27 It matters not the least whether these anecdotes about Emperor Taizu be true (If the authenticity of the anecdotes do not contribute to the authority of the Emperor, the authenticity of the Emperor contributes to the authority of the anecdotes). Th e stories connect auspicious names, architectural form, political legitimacy, and natural morality in a coherent reading of imperial architecture. Emperor Taizu proposes that the uprightness of his court be judged by the straight lines of his palace, and he demonstrates his intolerance of waste by the elimination of a preposition.28 24) See anonymous, Song da zhaoling ji ????? (1131-62; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962): 159.598; Gao Cheng, Shiwu jiyuan: 6.43a; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.7b-11a. 25) See, e.g., N. Shatzman Steinhardt, Chinese Imperial City Planning (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1990): 8-9. 26) See, e.g., Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 11.138. 27) Shao Bowen, Shaoshi wenjian lu: 1.5. Cf. Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu: 1.2-3. 28) Cf. Fan Zuyu ???, Fan taishi ji ???? (ca. 1098; Siku quanshu edition): 27.6b. 158 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 In the sacred rituals of the court, the squares and straight lines of imperial architecture are set in motion, their symmetry completed by the symmetrical movement of persons and objects through symmetrical time.29 Records of the fi rst sacrifi ce at the Altar of Heaven in the eleventh month of 963, preserved in Events and Facts of the Song Court (Songchao shishi ????, midtwelfth century), show the grave concern of the Emperor and his ritual advisors with the proper placement of banners and vessels, the coordination of colors with the cardinal directions, the ranked attire of ritual assistants, and the symmetry of the Emperor’s fast and his return to the palace.30 Th e same scholars who drew up the protocol for this fi rst performance of Grand Sacrifi ce devised in 965 a special ceremony for the punishment of Meng Chang ?? (919-65), an erstwhile rival for the imperial throne.31 Th e ritual experts used the grand avenues and the towering gates of the capital to cow Meng Chang and his supporters into acknowledging the rightful authority of Emperor Taizu: On the sixteenth day of the fi rst month, Chang arrived. On the day prior, the authorities placed a throne in Venerating Beginnings Hall and arrayed a ceremonial guard in the courtyard, as in the ceremony of the New Year’s audience. Th ey also set up ceremonial positions for Chang and his false offi cials, outside Illuminating Virtue Gate. Th ey placed the tabouret for the memorial north of the cross street by the gate. On the day itself, they arranged a grand display of cavalry and infantry troops on both sides of the Avenue of Heaven. Chang, his younger brother, his false offi cial Li Hao, and so forth, 29) On the symmetry of time and space in classicist ritual, see C. de Pee, The Writing of Weddings in Middle-Period China: Text and Ritual Practice in the Eighth through Fourteenth Centuries (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007): 30 et seq.; A. R. Zito, Of Body and Brush: Grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eighteenth-Century China (Chicago: Th e University of Chicago Press, 1997): chapters 1, 6, and 7. 30) See Li You, Songchao shishi: 11.1a-7b. Cf. Li You, Songchao shishi: 4.1a-3a; Toghto, Songshi: 1.16a, 99.9b-10b; Wang Cheng, Dongdu shilüe: 2.3a. Th e timing of this fi rst Grand Sacrifi ce, however, was irregular, as it was performed on the sixteenth day of the eleventh month. See Song Minqiu, Chunming tuichao lu: 2.31. On the performance of Grand Sacrifi ce in Song, see also Fan Zuyu, Fan taishi ji: 24.4b-7b; Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 3.39-40, 11.138-9, 23.339, 23.341-2, 64.951 et seq., 105.1459-61; Meng Yuanlao, Dongjing meng Hua lu: 10.243-4, 246; Ouyang Xiu, Ouyang Xiu quanji: 14.234; Toghto, Songshi: 99.1a-15b; Wang Pizhi ???, Shengshui yantan lu ????? (ca. 1095; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981): 5.61; Zhang Lei ??, Zhang Lei ji ??? (twelfth century; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1999): 1.1-3. On Grand Sacrifi ce, see also P. B. Ebrey, “Taking Out the Grand Carriage: Imperial Spectacle and the Visual Culture of Northern Song Kaifeng.” Asia Major, Th ird Series, 12 (1999): 33-65; Zito, Of Body and Brush. 31) See Li You, Songchao shishi: 17.9b-13a. Purchase on Power 159 thirty-two men in all, walked up to the palace gate. Th ey were each dressed in plain robes and gauze caps. Th e Secretarial Receptionist led Chang to a position south of the small memorial table, facing north. Th e false offi cials all stood in a fi le behind Chang. Th e memorial of the expectation of punishment was placed on the tabouret. Chang knelt and off ered the memorial to the Audience Commissioner, who took the memorial and entered the palace. Chang et alii returned to their positions and stood in a fi le to await the imperial command.32 Th e architecture of the Eastern Capital aff orded a ritual grammar of avenues, walls, and gates that by the addition of appropriate persons and implements could produce specifi c, articulate statements about power and virtue. Th e residents of the Eastern Capital could take part in the choreography of imperial space as well, when they watched imperial processions, or entered the imperial parks during certain restricted seasons, or when they were admitted to the walls of the imperial palace to admire a newly fi nished building.33 Heaven, too, intervened in this sacred grid of walls and palaces. Although omens could appear anywhere in the realm as symptoms of the auspicious health or the corrupting disease of the body politic, a fl ight of cranes or the spread of fi re in the imperial capital signifi ed the state of the government with especial urgency.34 Emperor Renzong (r. 1022-63) explained the appearance of a fi ery star in the fourth month of 1028 by the failure of justice in the capital and promulgated an amnesty.35 When lightning 32) Li You, Songchao shishi: 17.9b. 33) On imperial processions, see Meng Yuanlao, Dongjing meng Hua lu: juan 6-10. Cf. Ebrey, “Taking Out the Grand Carriage.” On imperial parks, see Meng Yuanlao, Dongjing meng Hua lu: 7.181-92; Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu: 1.4. Cf. J. M. Hargett, “Huizong’s Magic Marchmount: Th e Genyue Pleasure Park of Kaifeng.” Monumenta Serica 38 (1988-89): 1- 48; S. H. West, “Spectacle, Ritual, and Social Relations: Th e Son of Heaven, Citizens, and Created Space in Imperial Gardens in the Northern Song.” In Baroque Garden Cultures: Emulation, Sublimation, Subversion, ed. M. Conan (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 2005): 291-321; Zhou Baozhu, Songdai Dongjing yanjiu: 452-85. On admission to imperial buildings, see anonymous, Song da zhaoling ji: 144.528; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.11b. Cf. S. H. West, “Th e Emperor Sets the Pace: Court and Consumption in the Eastern Capital of the Northern Song During the Reign of Huizong.” In Selected Essays on Court Culture in Cross-Cultural Perspective, ed. Lin Yaofu (Taipei: National Taiwan University Press, 1999): 36-41. 34) Th e imperial city, the moat, and many of the palaces bore the names of celestial bodies, and the heavenly constellations were called “palaces” (gong ?) and “halls” (dian ?), to explicate the central position of the capital within the moral universe. See, for example, Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 38.375, 45.469, 45.470. 35) See anonymous, Song da zhaoling ji: 152.567. 160 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 struck the imperial city in the sixth month of 1029 and set fi re to a pair of unfi nished halls, Su Shunqin ??? (1008-48) blamed the disaster on an excess of imperial construction.36 In the fi fth month of 1037, Emperor Renzong gathered imperial kinsmen and eunuchs to see a polypore mushroom that had grown on a pillar of Transformation Completed Hall, and distributed a poem about this propitious event to his offi cials.37 Th e 1056 fl ood that inundated the palace, destroyed the imperial altars, set coffi ns and corpses afl oat in the suburbs, and left residents to live on rafts in the Avenue of Heaven was too frightful to be reduced to a single cause. Ouyang Xiu ??? (1007-72) attributed this unprecedented heavenly punishment to Emperor Renzong’s protracted failure to appoint an heir, to his recent dismissal of worthy offi cials, and to the neglected danger of a current drought in the southeastern rice fi elds.38 A solar eclipse during the third month of 1100 caused Emperor Huizong (r. 1100-25) to retreat from his court.39 Earthquakes rattled the palace gates in 1124 to warn of a foreign invasion.40 Th ese natural disasters manifested themselves in the streets and in the skies of the capital, and changed the constellation of its buildings and inhabitants by warning or by immediate destruction. Of this ritual, cosmic city, the long, descriptive poems called fu ? (“prose poem,” “rhapsody”) preserve perfect representations. In conscious imitation of their Han-dynasty predecessors, Song literati used the lyrical 36) See Ma Duanlin ???, Wenxian tongkao ???? (ca. 1308; Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1988): 298.2358a; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: ruiyi 2.33a; Yang Shiqi ??? et al., eds, Lidai mingchen zouyi ?????? (1416; Siku quanshu edition): 299.5a-8a, 299.13a-14a; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 37.372-3. Cf. anonymous, Song da zhaoling ji: 151.561, 152.565, 152.567-8, 155.581; Ouyang Xiu, Ouyang Xiu quanji: 108.1639-40; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: ruiyi 2.31a-34b passim; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 37.361-2. 37) See Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian: 120.2831-2; Toghto, Songshi: 10.10a; Yang Shiqi, Lidai mingchen zouyi: 299.23b-24a. On the polypore mushroom, see Hargett, “Huizong’s Magic Marchmount”: 19n73. 38) See Ma Duanlin, Wenxian tongkao: 297.2347a; Ouyang Xiu, Ouyang Xiu quanji: 109.1658-65; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: ruiyi 3.2b; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 40.411-2, 41.414-5. Cf. anonymous, Song da zhaoling ji: 153.571; Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 31.476; Ma Duanlin, Wenxian tongkao: 297.2347bc; Shao Bo ??, Shaoshi wenjian houlu ?????? (1157; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983): 30.233; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: ruiyi 3.3ab; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 41.417-24, 45.474. 39) See anonymous, Song da zhaoling ji: 155.580. Cf. Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 41.416, 44.465, 92.999. 40) See Yue Ke ??, Tingshi ?? (1214; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981): 15.179. Cf. Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 42.429. Purchase on Power 161 detail of the fu to describe the imperial grandeur of their Eastern Capital.41 Th eir stately parallel phrases reproduce the grid of grand thoroughfares, their rare vocabulary replicates the exotic fl ora of the imperial parks, their ornamental detail conjures the decorated purlins of distant palace roofs. In these transmitted lines, the present reader may yet see the continuous stream of ships and carts converging upon the capital, and the warehouses full of southeastern rice. Here, the present reader may yet witness the perfection of imperial ritual, the arrival of foreign ambassadors, and the variety of urban entertainment. In Zhou Bangyan’s ??? (1058-1123) “Fu on the Bian Capital” (“Biandu fu” ???), for example, the cosmic order of the capital obtains, with orderly traffi c proceeding through right-angled streets: Inside the city there are: Streets from east to west; Avenues from south to north. Its intersections stretch in the four directions; Its roads divide into nine tracks. Amid the carriages there is no argument when wheels collide; Among people there is no strife when diffi culties arise. Seven-forked crossroads, four-way intersections; Extensively peaceful, entirely safe. When the traffi c is ended and the carriages are gone; Th en the manure is swept and the fi lth is removed. Th ose who walk the streets do not hurry but amble at a leisurely pace; Th ose who drop something will not stoop but leave it gladly behind.42 41) On the revival of the fu in the Song dynasty, see Zhou Hui ??, Qingbo zazhi ??? ? (1192; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983): 6.62. Th e fu about the capitals and imperial parks of the Han dynasty are among the most famous compositions in the genre. See Xiao Tong ??, ed., Wenxuan ?? (sixth century; twelfth century; Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1990): juan 1-6. On the Han-dynasty fu, see Martin Kern, “Western Han Aesthetics and the Genesis of the Fu.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 63 (2003): 383-437; M. E. Lewis, Writing and Authority in Early China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999): 317-25. 42) Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 7.93. For Yang Kan’s ?? (fl . 1015) “Huangji fu” ???, Zhou Bangyan’s ??? (1058-1123) “Biandu fu” ???, Song Qi’s ?? (998-1061) “Wangji qianli fu” ?????, and Li Changmin’s ??? “Guang Biandu fu” ????, see Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 2.19-25, 7.91-102, 11.135; Wang Mingqing ???, Yuzhao xinzhi ???? (1198; Congshu jicheng chubian edition): 2.25-39. For fu on other Song capitals, see Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 1.1-2, 10.122-7. For fu on Song imperial ritual, see Fan Zhongyan, Fan Wenzhenggong ji: 1.1a-5b; Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 1.2-4, 2.31-4, 3.39-40, 4.57-60, 8.104-6; Sima Guang ???, Wenguo Wenzhenggong wenji ????? ?? (ca. 1086; 1190s; Sibu congkan edition): 1.5a. 162 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 Commercial Space: Alleyways, Real Estate, Flâneurs Upon this ideal imperial vision of the Eastern Capital infringed the ostentatious residences of covetous offi cials, the stalls of hawkers, the shacks of squatters, the errant fashions of the leisured classes, and the conspicuous display of competitive consumption. Th e space aff orded by the new outer wall of the Later Zhou had been rapidly usurped by the growing population, which spread far into the suburbs. Th e expansion of the imperial city in 962 provided place for a number of central government offi ces, but many departments remained outside the palace walls, scattered haphazardly across the inner city. Th e ever-increasing number of imperial kinsmen lived in cramped quarters.43 And in spite of Zhou Bangyan’s imagination in the lines translated above, the Eastern Capital was not laid out on a consistent grid of orthogonal streets and avenues, but was comprised in large part of a maze of irregular roads and alleyways. Th e crowding houses and shops of the capital prohibited renewed expansion of the palace. Th e walls set forbidding limits to the extent of the city. Within the triple wall of the Eastern Capital, imperial kinsmen, government offi cials, and commoners of all classes competed for space, shifting offi ces, building in roadways, encroaching upon walls and canals. Th e unprecedented choice of an existing, commercial city as the site of an imperial capital had unanticipated, undesired consequences.44 Imperial offi cials warned that the lack of proper offi ces compromised the dignity of the government. Already in 981, Tian Xi complained that the situation of the government offi ces and the examination halls was unworthy of the new capital.45 Th e completion of permanent buildings for the Secretariat, the Grand Councilors, and the Bureau of Military Aff airs in 1071 at long last exempted the incumbents of these prestigious institutions from discomfi ting travel and improvised desks: Since the founding of the dynasty, in respectful obedience to Tang precedent, many high offi cials have not attained to building full-block residences but are renting houses 43) See Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.19b-20a; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 32.312. Cf. J. W. Chaff ee, Branches of Heaven: A History of the Imperial Clan of Sung China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 1999): 78-9. 44) On the unprecedented choice of a “natural” city as capital, see Kracke, “Sung K’aifeng”: 50-1; Steinhardt, Chinese Imperial City Planning: 137-8; Wright, “Th e Cosmology of the Chinese City”: 60. On the lack of space, cf. Cheng Ziliang and Li Qingyin, Kaifeng chengshi shi: 55; Wu Tao, Bei Song ducheng Dongjing: 9-10. 45) See Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 145.1646. Purchase on Power 163 among the common people, sometimes as far as several kilometers outside the city wall. To the east, to the west, to the north, to the south, the perimeter is distant and discontinuous. Memorials submitted from all quarters and reports of great urgency are collected by clerks and runners who make the rounds of all the residences. If one of these should be leaked or delayed, the loss will be irreparable. Moreover, through the heat and the cold, through the wind and the rain, rushing in at dawn, returning at dusk, as the carriage guards and the road-clearing criers lead in front and follow behind, gentlemen of the literate class create havoc by seeking audiences in the narrow passages of alleyways and byroads—a spectacle of most undignifi ed appearance. Now, the Th ree Marshals of the Palace Guard all had public offi ces, and some of the Departments and Courts of lesser offi cials also had housing, and yet no accommodations were arranged for these high offi cials. Every morning they waited for the appointed hour outside the palace gate. Upon entering, they debated in the halls of government. After they retreated to chambers, all government offi cials would be asked to report on possibilities [of accommodation], and after a while, clerks and scribes would swoop down from all sides to off er stationery and low tables. Th ey would not return home until several quarters after the hour of sundown.46 For the Grand Councilors and the Military Aff airs Commissioners, such indignities ended in 1071, according to this celebratory “Inscription for the Newly Constructed East Administration” (“Xin xiu Dongfu ji” ??? ??), composed by Chen Yi ?? (1021-88). But the conditions that the inscription relegates to an unhappy past continued to oppress numerous offi cials of lesser rank. As the government reassigned offi ces and put up new structures within the imperial city in hopes of overcoming the shortage of space, the inhabitants of the Eastern Capital extended their houses into the roadways, built structures against the city walls, and encroached upon the canal dikes. Edicts in 1002, 1012, 1024, 1034, and 1035 called for the destruction of houses that infringed upon the roadways of the capital.47 Although most records of these edicts do not specify the reasons for the repeated destruction of “commoner dwellings that obtrude into the streets of the old city,” an account of the eff ort to broaden the alleyways of the inner city during 46) Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 81.1165. Cf. Wu Chuhou ???, Qingxiang zaji ???? (1087; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985): 3.28-9; Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 81.1167. 47) See Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian: 51.1114, 79.1808, 102.2358, 115.2706, 116.2725. Cf. Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian: 95.2192, cited in Kida Tomoo ????, “Sôdai no toshi kenkyû wo meguru sho mondai: kokudo Kaifû wo chûshin to shite” ??? ???????????:??????????. Tôyôshi kenkyû 37 (1978): 282-3; Zheng Shoupeng ???, Songdai Kaifengfu yanjiu ??????? (Taipei: Guoli bianyiguan Zhonghua congshu bianshen weiyuanhui, 1980): 576-8. During the 1070s, the government permitted encroachment upon the roads of the capital against payment of a “street encroachment levy” (qinjie qian ???). See Kida Tomoo, “Sôdai no toshi kenkyû”: 286-7. 164 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 the spring of 1002 suggests a confl ict between public order and commercial interests: Wuchen day of the second month [March 18, 1002]. . . . Because the streets and the alleyways were too narrow, the Emperor [Zhenzong, r. 997-1022] by edict commanded Right Palace Attendant and Audience Usher Xie Dequan ??? [953-1010] to broaden them. When Dequan received the edict, he fi rst dismantled the residences of the noble and the powerful. Immediately there was widespread discussion, and an edict came forth suspending the endeavor. Dequan submitted his plea in person: “Th ose who are impeding the project are all powerful men. Th ey merely begrudge the rent of their properties—there is nothing else to it. Even at the pain of death, I dare not carry out the imperial command.” Th e Emperor had no choice but to follow his advice. Dequan thereupon reported in detail the width and length of the streets and alleys, and the hours of curfew, reviving the old system of Chang’an. Only then did the Emperor issue an edict to the Offi ce of Streets of Kaifeng Prefecture to compile registers and place markers everywhere, and to order the people that from now on they should no longer encroach upon the streets.48 Th e narrow alleyways of the city not only threatened the public order, but they also encumbered the processions of state, designed for broad ritual thoroughfares. In 1090, for example, Fan Zuyu ??? (1041-98) submitted a memorial to dissuade Emperor Zhezong (r. 1085-1100) from ordering the destruction of the dwellings of commoners when his solemn cortège set out to mourn Sun Gu ?? (1016-90) in the remote lane where this respected offi cial had lived: “When recently the two Majesties honored the wake of Cao Yi ?? with their presence, the authorities were excessive in their wrecking of houses. All occupants became homeless. Although many people build houses into the roadway, the destruction of their dwellings should not cause hatred.”49 Th e usurpation of public space by private dwellings not only caused inconvenience to patrolling watchmen, imperial processions, and commuting offi cials, but it compromised the safety of the city. After four years of rigorous fortifi cation of the outer wall, the imperial court and the Prefect of Kaifeng ordered in 1078 that a distance of ten paces be maintained between the inside of the wall and the nearest buildings, so that large numbers of troops would be able to move quickly along the defense works. By the time the order was promulgated, however, residents had already built 48) Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian: 51.1114. 49) Fan Zuyu, Fan taishi ji: 19.8b-9a. Cf. Ouyang Xiu, Ouyang Xiu quanji: 63.914. It was the very desire of Sun Gu to live with the people, and to be trusted by them, that put his neighbors’ houses in danger of destruction upon his death. See Toghto, Songshi: 341.6ab. Purchase on Power 165 several meters into the intended roadway, leaving a mere fi ve paces for the passage of soldiers.50 In 1082, “authorities reported that residents along the canals of the capital were illicitly digging into the dikes to expand their houses.”51 Fan Zuyu warned in 1092 that the prefectural yamen inside the imperial city, rebuilt after a fi re, remained at risk of confl agration due to its proximity to residences on the other side of the wall.52 An ideal textual representation of this landscape of encroached streets and narrow alleyways provides A Record of Dreaming of Hua in the Eastern Capital (Dongjing meng Hua lu ?????, 1147), a nostalgic memoir by the pseudonymous Meng Yuanlao of his splendid life in Kaifeng prior to its conquest by Jurchen armies in 1126-7. An 1187 colophon by Zhao Shixia ??? (1175 jinshi) compares the commercial, vernacular geography of A Dream of Hua to the imperial geography of an earlier work, A Record of the Eastern Capital (Dongjing ji ???, 1070s), by Song Minqiu ??? (1019-79): Th e humane and generous virtue of the founding Emperors has nourished and drenched their subjects for some two hundred years. Between the Xuanhe and Zhenghe reign periods [1111-26], the era of great peace reached its pinnacle. Th e volumes of the historians record in full all matters of ritual and music, of law and politics. Yet, without recourse to records of hearsay and other small works, how could the fl ourishing customs of an era and the proliferation of great personages have been transmitted? Song Minqiu’s Record of the Capital [sic] describes the wards, the gates, the offi cial buildings, the palaces and monasteries, and the private residences in extreme detail, but it never touches upon the alleyways and bypaths, the inns and market districts, or the things and curiosities of every festival and season. Th e Hermit of the Hidden Th oroughwort recorded all of his experiences of the past to make the Record of Dreaming of Hua. In it, all aff airs that relate to the rites and regulations of the palace and the Forbidden City were gotten by hearsay and cannot be without mistakes and errors. But as for things like the sights of roaming in the marketplace, the commodities of every season of the year, and the customs and favorites of popular taste—in these he was well versed by his own experience, and in every case he has gotten to the truth of it.53 50) See Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fangyu 1.16b. Further fortifi cation in 1089 caused worry and resentment among those living near the wall. See Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 126.1394. 51) Du Dagui ???, ed., Mingchen beizhuan wanyan ji ??????? (1194; Taipei: Wenhai chubanshe, 1969): II.30.846, cited in Kida Tomoo, “Sôdai no toshi kenkyû”: 286. 52) See Fan Zuyu, Fan taishi ji: 22.15b. 53) Meng Yuanlao, Dongjing meng Hua lu: 255. Th e latter two thirds of this translation are copied, with a few slight modifi cations, from S. H. West, “Th e Interpretation of a Dream: Th e Sources, Evaluation, and Infl uence of the Dongjing meng Hua lu.” T’oung Pao 71 166 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 According to Zhao Shixia, it requires vernacular language and a vernacular form to write vernacular space. Th e four-character phrases of classical prose and the angular categories of imperial historiography will describe the grand, symmetrical thoroughfares of the ritual city, but they cannot penetrate into the crooked alleyways of changeful commercial activity. In his colloquial phrases and rudimentary classical grammar, the author of A Dream of Hua preserves a “linguistic imprint” of a vernacular vision of the capital.54 Th e text replicates the act of roaming, the lateral movement of the flâneur through continuous, horizontal urban space that disregards, in writing as in walking, the symmetrical order of discontinuous, hierarchical ritual space.55 Th e city that Meng Yuanlao remembers, as he ambles along (1985): 78, 89. Of Song Minqiu’s Record of the Eastern Capital only a few fragments survive. See Gao Cheng, Shiwu jiyuan: 6.41a-7.24a passim; Li Lian, Bianjing yiji zhi: 1.2, 3.43, 8.113, 8.119, 11.189. See also West, “Th e Interpretation of a Dream”: 77-81. A long fragment of Song Minqiu’s description of Luoyang in his Gazetteer of Henan Prefecture (Henan zhi ???, ca. 1060), copied into a Yuan-dynasty gazetteer of the same title, preserves a more extensive stretch of the textual geography that Zhao Shixia criticizes. See Xu Song ??, ed., Henan zhi ??? (Yuan dynasty; 1840). In Song-Yuan fangzhi congkan ??? ???, ed. Zhonghua shuju bianji bu ??????? vol. 8 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990): 8335-91. On this text, see C. de Pee, “Wards of Words: Textual Geographies and Urban Space in Song-Dynasty Luoyang, 960-1127.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 52 (2009): 86-92. 54) West, “Spectacle, Ritual”: 316. Th is paragraph relies in important part on the scholarship of S. H. West, who has written extensively and perceptively about A Dream of Hua and vernacular space in Kaifeng. See West, “Th e Interpretation of a Dream”; West, “Th e Emperor Sets the Pace”; S. H. West, “Empresses and Funerals, Pigs and Pancakes: Th e Dream of Hua and the Rise of Urban Literature.” Unpublished paper (2000); West, “Spectacle, Ritual.” 55) Cf. West, “Empresses and Funerals”: 3, 15; West, “Spectacle, Ritual.” Meng Yuanlao’s characterization of himself and his peers as youren ?? (“roamers”)—connoisseurs of restaurants, wine houses, and brothels, who remember the city through food, spectacle, and sensual pleasures—suggests certain parallels with Walter Benjamin’s flâneur. Although the Eastern Capital of the Song diff ered in many respects from “Paris, capital of the nineteenth century,” it shared with the latter certain amusing parallels, such as the mimicry of nature in domestic settings, detective stories, bohemian painters, and a fascination with artifi ce. See R. E. Harrist, Jr., Painting and Private Life in Eleventh-Century China: Mountain Villa by Li Gonglin (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998): 46-66; M. Powers, “Discourses of Representation in Tenth- and Eleventh-Century China.” In The Art of Interpreting, ed. S. C. Scott (University Park: Department of Art History, Pennsylvania State University, 1995): 88-125; R. van Gulik, Celebrated Cases of Judge Dee (Dee Goong An): An Authentic Eighteenth-Century Chinese Detective Novel (New York: Dover, 1976): i; S. H. West, “Playing with Food: Performance, Food, and the Aesthetics of Artifi ciality in the Sung and Yuan.” Journal of Asiatic Studies 57 (1997): 67-106. On the flâneur, see W. Benjamin, Das Passagen-Werk, ed. R. Tiedemann (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1983): 69-72, 524-69 Purchase on Power 167 the streets that serve as his “paths of memory,”56 lacks the straight lines and squares of edicts and fu. Here, paintings and intestines are sold in adjoining stalls, pharmacies stand next to execution grounds, and pimps and prostitutes mimic an imperial procession.57 Although Meng Yuanlao off ers his memoir as a tribute to the grand peace of Emperor Huizong’s reign, when “youths with trailing locks practiced naught but drumming and dancing, the aged with white speckled hair recognized neither shield nor spear,” his understanding of the nature of power and space diff ers from the ideology inscribed by offi cials and the imperial court.58 Th e signs of the imperial order are commercial fl orescence and varied entertainment, and the Emperor himself becomes a consumer, his processions a diverting spectacle interchangeable with theatrical performances.59 In this respect, A Dream of Hua resembles Zhang Zeduan’s famous painting, “Upstream during the Th ird Month” (“Qingming shanghe tu” ?????), a visual tribute to the ordered realm of Emperor Huizong.60 Like Meng Yuanlao, (M). See also D. Frisby, Cityscapes of Modernity: Critical Explorations (Cambridge: Polity, 2001): 27-51; A. Gleber, The Art of Taking a Walk: Flanerie, Literature, and Film in Weimar Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999); M. Opitz, “Lesen und Flanieren: Über das Lesen von Städten, vom Flanieren in Büchern.” In Aber ein Sturm weht vom Paradiese her: Texte zu Walter Benjamin, eds M. Opitz and E. Wizisla (Leipzig: Reclam- Verlag, 1992): 162-81; V. R. Schwartz, “Review Essay: Walter Benjamin for Historians.” The American Historical Review 106 (2001): 1721-43. I thank David Bialock and Pete Soppelsa for the latter references. 56) West, “Empresses and Funerals”: 14. 57) Cf. West, “Empresses and Funerals.” 58) Meng Yuanlao, Dongjing meng Hua lu: preface, as translated in West, “Th e Interpretation of a Dream”: 67. 59) Cf. West, “Th e Emperor Sets the Pace”: 45-50; West, “Empresses and Funerals”: 17; West, “Spectacle, Ritual”: 320. 60) On this painting, see L. Cooke Johnson, “Th e Place of Qingming shanghe tu in the Historical Geography of Song Dynasty Dongjing.” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 26 (1996): 145-82; J. K. Murray, “Water Under a Bridge: Further Th oughts on the Qingming Scroll.” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 27 (1997): 99-107; Hsingyuan Tsao, “Unraveling the Mystery of the Handscroll ‘Qingming shanghe tu.’ ” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 33 (2003): 155-79. It would seem that the double meaning of the title of the painting is deliberate, qingming ?? meaning at the same time “the third month” and “the ordered realm.” Th e chosen season of the painting thereby renders it a manner of omen painting, such as were produced in considerable number at Huizong’s court. See M. Bickford, “Huizong’s Paintings: Art and the Art of Emperorship.” In Emperor Huizong and Late Northern Song China: The Politics of Culture and the Culture of Politics, eds P. M. Ebrey and M. Bickford (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006): 453-513. Cf. Murray, “Water Under a Bridge”: 104. Th e fl ow of undulating lines in “Upstream during the Th ird Month” contrasts with the 168 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 Zhang Zeduan ignores the ritual grammar of the Eastern Capital, entering the city at a southwestern gate (rather than at the central Southern Dipteryx Gate) and moving laterally along peaceful but disorderly commercial roads.61 Th e maze of streets and avenues of the expansive capital could accommodate such divergent views of imperial power, expressed in transient speech or in occasional prose. But the acquisition of a material share of imperial splendor—the use of complex bracket sets, the possession of golden vessels, the mimicry of embroidered dragons—constituted incontrovertible, tangible evidence of the owner’s challenge to the imperial vision of inherent hierarchies of persons and goods. Th e Circulation of Goods: Commodities, Insignia, Portents Just as the straight lines of imperial architecture signifi ed indiscriminately cosmic order, natural aesthetics, legitimate power, and moral uprightness, sumptuary laws prohibited the possession of goods that the court deemed at the same time wasteful, inappropriate, disorderly, and ominous.62 When the Emperor awarded an intricate silk weave or a jade girdle to an offi cial of exceptional merit, he marked the rarity of the offi cial’s talent (itself conceived as a tribute of a superior grain of human timber, cai ?, from the man’s native region) by the rarity of the gift. Th e arrogation of the ranked materials of imperial monopoly obtruded into the hierarchy of ranked individuals, and thereby challenged the legitimacy of the imperial order. One might roam the city oblivious of its cosmological confi guration, or one might regard an imperial procession as a theatrical performance, but to rival the court in ostentatious display reduced the material manifestation of power to a mere matter of sumptuary competition, and rejected the inherent, centered hierarchy of imperial government. And because the court viewed the hierarchical distribution of ranks and goods as the expression of a cosmic order, sudden changes in fashion could be cause for the straight, orderly perspective of Zhang Zeduan’s “Capturing the Flag at the Reservoir of Metal’s Luster” (“Jinming chi zhengbiao tu” ??????). On the latter painting, see West, “Spectacle, Ritual”: 306-9. 61) On the route depicted in “Upstream during the Th ird Month,” see Johnson, “Th e Place of Qingming shanghe tu.” I thank Professor Johnson for providing additional details on this article in personal communication, August 2008. 62) Cf. J. Schneider’s well-known argument about the irreducibility of black clothes to a symbol. See J. Schneider, “Peacocks and Penguins: Th e Political Economy of European Cloth and Clothes.” American Ethnologist 5 (1978): 413-47. Purchase on Power 169 gravest concern. Th e possession of gold-fl ecked clothing or embroidered silks was potentially a form of treason, punishable by decapitation. Along the roads and canals of the fu, a stream of tax grain, raw materials, manufactured goods, and auspicious portents enters the gates of the Eastern Capital, as though in a natural fl ow: Heaven created two canals: One named Cai, the other named Bian. Th ey connect with the rivers and meet up with the sea; Th ey encircle the capital and gird round the domain. A thousand warehouses have here arisen; A myriad grain-stacks are here set up. A Du Yu is in charge of accounts; A Liu Yan is in command of transport.63 What is the tribute, what are the submissions? Non-glutinous rice from the southeast, paddy rice from the south. Every month a million bushels arrive, And yet they are chided that it is too little. Th e grand warehouses of the Han Stored millet until it rotted. But if one were to count it by the grain; It would fall short of the number of our reserves. Th e grain-stacks of King Cheng Were supplied by myriads of carts.64 And yet they were no match for our thousand shuttling ships, Sailing the Yangzi and Huai without end. Th erefore: We have stores to last nine years, To supply the needs of the six armies.65 Yang Kan ?? (fl . 1015) here presents the unprecedented amount of grain and the unmatched effi ciency of transport as evidence of the legitimacy of the house of Song. In the lines that follow, he boasts of the abundance of horses, agricultural produce, silk, fruit, farm animals, roots, gourds, and 63) Du Yu ?? (222-84) was nicknamed “War Chest Du” by his contemporaries. Liu Yan ?? (715-80) improved canals and transport during the Tang. 64) Allusion to the ode “Extensive Fields” (“Futian” ??) in the Book of Songs. See Maoshi zhengyi ???? (Shisanjing zhushu edition): 14A.12a. 65) Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 2.20. 170 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 game in the region of the capital itself, until in the fi nal verses the portents arrive that confi rm the undoubted mandate of this unrivaled court: Upon the imperial performance of the eastern sacrifi ce [on Mount Tai], Comes now an unusual manifestation of auspicious omens. Suddenly there is the cry of cranes, Descending from the lofty blue. Th eir vermillion tufts not yet discernible through the fog, Th eir jade feathers already visible by the guard.66 Obsequious though this composition may be in its hyperbolic imagination, it presents in the comprehensive scope of its vivid imagery an economy of goods that is assumed in a wide variety of Song-dynasty texts. Fang Shao ?? (1066-after 1141), for example, remarks in his Collection of Bozhai Village (Bozhai bian ???, twelfth century), “During the more than a hundred and twenty years of our Empire, unusual implements and strange objects, precious plants and marvelous stones, renowned calligraphy and famous paintings have all returned [gui ?] to the Emperor. In all quarters people climb the mountains and sail the oceans, apparently without an idle day. Important off erings are rewarded with a title and emoluments, lesser ones merit proportionate rewards.”67 Sima Guang protested in 1063 that a strange animal conveyed forcibly to the capital by boat and cart did not qualify as an omen.68 A 1082 memorial by Lin Xi ? ? (1057 jinshi) lists all portents submitted to the capital that year, in matter or in writing, as evidence of the Emperor’s virtue and wisdom.69 In an anecdote reported by Luo Dajing ??? (1226 jinshi), a number of high court offi cials boast to the Emperor of the exquisite produce and seafood found in their native regions until one of them says, “My region hasn’t 66) Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 2.25. Cf. Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 7.92-9. 67) Fang Shao ??, Bozhai bian ??? (twelfth century; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983): II.2.81-2. 68) Sima Guang, Wenguo Wenzhenggong wenji: 1.1a-3a. 69) See Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 69.1009-10. Cf. Fan Zhen, Dongzhai jishi: 1.8; Cai Tao ??, Tieweishan congtan ????? (ca. 1130; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983): 1.12. Submitted portents were stored in warehouses within the imperial city. See, for example, Fan Zhen, Dongzhai jishi: 1.5; Song Minqiu, Chunming tuichao lu: 1.11; Wang Yong ??, Yanyi yimou lu ????? (1227; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981): 3.22; Wei Tai ??, Dongxuan bilu ???? (1094; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983): 1.8. Purchase on Power 171 produced much; it has merely produced one Ouyang Xiu.”70 In this economy of goods, portents, tribute, taxes, commodities, and talented men alike return to the wellspring of imperial benefi cence from which they issue. Th eir common origin in the cosmic harmony centered on the imperial court renders the categories of these off erings permeable: the abundant commodities traded in the Eastern Capital are portents of virtuous government, talented men sent up to the metropolitan examinations are a form of regional tribute.71 Like the cosmos, the Empire comprised a hierarchy of fi xed points and moving objects, of stable bodies and changing states. Th e Emperor bore the responsibility of managing the circulation of goods and assigning people to their proper professions and ranks, creating a cultural order that merged with the movement of the heavens and that ensured a prosperous harmony. Commercial competition and the application of unseasonable force could only harm this natural order. “If one wishes that nothing obstruct the path of prosperity,” advised Jia Yi ?? (fl . 1086-early twelfth century) in 1091, “one cannot do better than to encourage the fundamental occupations and to spurn the secondary professions, to elevate frugality and to reject extravagance, so that the people of the four quarters will all keep to their occupation and will not be tempted by the sight of unusual objects.”72 If people of all classes and professions compete for land and rare possessions, social relations become disorderly and fl uid, and a stream of refugees will fl ow to the capital, argued Cheng Hao ?? (1032-85) in 1069: In antiquity, the four classes each had their fi xed profession, eight or nine out of ten being farmers. Food and clothing were therefore easily provided, and the people had no cause for hardship or misery. At present, the population of refugees in the capital has repeatedly exceeded a million. Th e number of vagrants is incalculable. When one sees their destitution and misery, their forlorn poverty and illnesses, the falsity and deception they practice to stay alive and that yet often will not sustain them, their daily increase and their yearly augmentation, one wonders how long this can continue.73 70) See Luo Dajing ???, Helin yulu ???? (1248-52; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983): II.5.205. 71) Hence the appellations gongyuan ?? (“tribute hall”) and gongshi ?? (“tribute gentlemen”) for examination halls and examination candidates. 72) Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 150.1713. 73) Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 149.1701. 172 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 Men and women of exceptional merit could be lifted from the commoner classes and be assimilated into the aristocracy of imperial kinsmen and enfeoff ed nobles, invested with jade belts and gold jewelry.74 Indeed, Heaven might punish an imperial failure to acknowledge moral worth. But the mobility of people and wealth was otherwise excessive in every sense: unnatural, wasteful, disorderly, and threatening.75 Th e Emperor promulgated sumptuary laws to ensure that rarifi ed goods circulated only within restricted orbits of society, thereby to discourage distracting, destructive competition among his subjects and to prevent simultaneously profl igacy, insubordination, witchcraft, and treason. A composite edict of 1036, for example, enjoins to frugality, modesty, and the separation of classes: “the noble do not challenge those below them, and the abject do not imitate those above them: such is the fi xed allotment of the offi cials and the people.” It warns that the current extravagance in residential architecture, clothing, jewelry, and vessels, of which the court has learnt, will exhaust precious resources. Gatehouses will henceforth be allowed only in the walls of ranked offi cials, colored and lacquered beams only in palaces and monasteries, the use of pearls only in the dress of titled women, the possession of gold vessels only to those who have received them as gifts from the court, and so forth. Th e edict promises that it will reward information about violations, and threatens owners and manufacturers of off ending items with tattooing and exile.76 An edict promulgated during the tenth month of 1049 prohibits headdresses and hairstyles of the contemporary mode that mimic the fashion of palace women, and that are possibly ominous: 74) See, for example, the overview of sumptuary regulations in Ma Duanlin, Wenxian tongkao: juan 119. See also Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu: 3.34, 7.104-5. 75) See, for example, Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: fuyu 4.62. 76) See Li You, Songchao shishi: 13.10b-12a; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.6b-7a. For other sumptuary laws, see anonymous, Song da zhaoling ji: 199.734-5; Li You, Songchao shishi: 3.2b-3a, 13.8a-10b; Ma Duanlin, Wenxian tongkao: 119.1075c-1078a; Toghto, Songshi: 153.12b-16b; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.5a-7b, shihuo 41.45a-46b; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 98.1058-60. See also Li Xinchuan ???, Jiuwen zhengwu ???? (thirteenth century; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981): 2.34, 4.57; Luo Dajing, Helin yulu: II.2.261; Shen Gua, Mengqi bitan: 3.7a; Wang Yingchen ???, Shilin yanyu bian ????? (twelfth century; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984): 186, 190-2, 206; Wang Yong, Yanyi yimou lu: 1.7-8; Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu: 6.82, 8.124; Zhang Lei, Zhang Lei ji: 45.717-8; Zhou Hui, Qingbo zazhi: 7.306. Purchase on Power 173 On the nineteenth day of the tenth month of the fi rst year of the Huangyou reign period [November 16, 1049] it was decreed: “Hats worn by women cannot exceed four inches in height or one foot in width. Th e comb cannot exceed four inches in length, and may not be made of horn. Violators will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. Th e authorities will consider accusations by informers.” Precedent to this, a taste had developed in the palace for hat combs of white horn. Th e people vied in imitating them, to the point of calling them “inner fashion” [neiyang ??, after “the Great Within”]. Th e hats were called “shoulder-hangers” [chuijian ??] or “shoulder-matchers” [dengjian ??]. Some were as wide as three feet. Some of the combs were also more than a foot long. Th e offi cial who reported on this deemed it a form of clothing magic. Th erefore it was prohibited.77 As is common with “clothing magic” ( fuyao ??), the ominousness of the off ending apparel lies not only in its outward appearance—in this case, the close imitation of palace fashion, and the disquieting, excessive uselessness of the hats and the combs—but also in the name that attaches to it. Although the people of the Eastern Capital intended by the names of the fashion to indicate that the hats were as wide as the wearer’s shoulders, they could be interpreted as assertions of equality in stature with the court, as though the wearers stood shoulder to shoulder with their betters or, more likely, dengjian ?? (matching the shoulder) might be understood as a homonym of dengjian ?? (awaiting evil, expecting betrayal), making the conspicuous headgear a sign of impending treason.78 Clothing and speech, as forms of wen ? (pattern, textile, text, culture) were especially sensitive membranes, prone to render legible, in spite of their ostensible producers, the tendencies of the universe whose texture they shared. But all manufactured goods could assume ominous meaning in this inherent, hierarchical universe, as they formed constellations of prestige, wealth, aesthetics, and power in the streets and residences of the Eastern Capital. 77) Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.7a. According to Li Tao’s Long Digest for a Continuation of the Comprehensive Mirror for Aid in Government, “many women were prosecuted.” See Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian: 167.4019, cited in Zheng Shoupeng, Songdai Kaifengfu yanjiu: 391-2. Cf. also Toghto, Songshi: 153.15ab; Zhou Hui, Qingbo zazhi: 8.338. 78) On the shoulder as a measure of stature in ritual see, for example, Liji zhushu ???? (Shisanjing zhushu edition): 1.21a. For other examples of clothing magic, see Lu You ??, Laoxue’an biji ????? (1190s; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979): 1.4-5, 2.27, 3.40; Ma Duanlin, Wenxian tongkao: 310.2431c, 310.2435c; Wang Yong, Yanyi yimou lu: 1.8; Wu Zeng ??, Nenggai zhai manlu ????? (1157; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1960): 13.334; Yue Ke, Tingshi: 5.54. Cf. also the prohibitions of nomadic dress in 1048 and in 1119. See Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.7a, 4.7b. 174 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 Th e sumptuary laws of the Song imperial court were centered on the capital. Th e sumptuary regulations of 1036, for example, specify that their stipulations be entrusted to the Prefect of Kaifeng for enforcement.79 Time and again, the sumptuary infractions reported by watchful offi cials are perpetrated by the wealthy, competitive population of the capital: a commoner of Kaifeng is convicted of wearing clothing embroidered with gold and silver thread in 1008; powerful persons in the capital wear gold-fl ecked clothing and jewelry in 1049; “the gentlemen and the puissant families of the capital” in 1095 travel in excessively decorated sedan chairs with four footmen; residents of the capital indulge in a predilection for nomadic dress in 1048 and 1119, and in a fashion of warrior robes combined with nomadic belts in 1110.80 “Th e empire comforts and nourishes the masses, and labors to improve customs,” observes Ding Wei ?? (966-1037) in 1008, “yet in the shadow of the palace, the shops and stalls that face each other across the street compete in manufacturing objects of gold and gilt, in hopes of gaining an ample profi t.”81 In a 1062 memorial, Sima Guang attributes the profl igacy of the capital to the central presence of the palace, whose splendor sets an unintended standard for consumption.82 Th e reiteration of sumptuary prohibitions and the occasional relinquishment of prohibited goods to the sphere of commodities—dark silk in 981, purple cloth in 995, for example—indicate the limited effi cacy of these laws, which were further compromised by infractions within the imperial palace itself.83 Although many materials and articles were never ceded to 79) See Li You, Songchao shishi: 13.12a; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.7a. Cf. Toghto, Songshi: 153.14ab, 153.15b, 153.16a. Cf. also Heng, Cities of Aristocrats and Bureaucrats: 166-70; Zheng Shoupeng, Songdai Kaifengfu yanjiu: 386-93. 80) See Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 98.1056, 98.1058-9; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.7b, 4.7a, 4.7b; Wu Zeng, Nenggai zhai manlu: 13.334. See also Li You, Songchao shishi: 13.10a. 81) Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 98.1056. Th e original reads “below the imperial carriage” rather than “in the shadow of the palace.” For sumptuary competition in Kaifeng, see also Meng Yuanlao, Dongjing meng Hua lu: 8.207, 8.215; Ouyang Xiu, Ouyang Xiu quanji: 9.141; Zhao Yanwei ???, Yunlu manchao ???? (1206; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1996): 5.81. Cf. Quan Hansheng, Zhongguo jingjishi luncong: 98-100. On the general mechanics of competitive consumption, see Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.6b; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 11.97, 149.1699-701, 150.1721. 82) See Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 24.239. Cf. Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 53.800; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 150.1721. 83) For reversals of sumptuary prohibitions, see Ma Duanlin, Wenxian tongkao: 119.1076ab; Wang Yong, Yanyi yimou lu: 1.8; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.5ab; Ye Mengde, Purchase on Power 175 general commodifi cation, the frequent renewal of the prohibitions against gold and gilt, pearls, ornamented carriages, and embroidered silks suggests that the fashionable classes of the capital felt the pressure to compete in the purchase of rare goods more keenly than the fear of prosecution.84 Th is insistent display of material wealth in the streets of Kaifeng, where towering gatehouses marked the houses of the rich and lacquered conveyances indicated the progress of the powerful, suggests an alternative understanding of power: a notion of power, not as inherent and grounded in cosmology and ritual, but as fl uid and substantiated by wealth and infl uence—the very kind of power that connected high offi cials and puissant families to imperial kinsmen, and that may have protected them from prosecution for sumptuary violations. Th e leisured classes of Kaifeng shared, therefore, the court’s association of rare items with a social hierarchy of power, but they appear to have denied the natural inherence of this social hierarchy as well as the court’s authority to determine its confi guration.85 Th e prosecution in 1049 of women who wore wide hats and horn combs, for example, “was greatly ridiculed by knowledgeable persons, and the population of the capital composed songs to mock it.”86 Th e imperial court itself, in fact, appears to have been drawn into competitive ostentation for its own sake—perhaps in an eff ort to encompass commodifi ed space as the court encompassed all Shilin yanyu: 6.82. For profl igacy and sumptuary violations within the palace itself see, for example, Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.7a; Zhao Ruyu, Songchao zhuchen zouyi: 11.94- 102, 45.473. 84) See Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.5a-7b. On the ineffi cacy of sumptuary restrictions, see also Lü Zuqian, Song wenjian: 102.1419; Toghto, Songshi: 153.16a. Cf. Sung Shee ??, “Cong keju yu yufu zhidu kan Songdai de shangren zhengce” ??????? ?????????. Shixue huikan 5 (1973): 19-20. 85) Th is contradiction between the court and the wealthy was not absolute. Th e admission of certain prohibited items to the commodity sphere, for example, indicates that the restriction of some articles was a somewhat arbitrary matter of controlling extravagant expenditure, without ponderous ritual or cosmological implications. Similarly, the ominousness of certain forbidden goods was recognized outside the court. According to Wang Yong ?? (fl . 1227), for example, literati shunned a shade of “black purple” as possibly magical— although they allowed their spouses to wear it—prior to its prohibition by edict. See Wang Yong, Yanyi yimou lu: 5.44. Cf. Toghto, Songshi: 153.15b; Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.7ab. On changing perceptions of restricted fashions, see also Wang Yong, Yanyi yimou lu: 1.7-8; Ye Mengde, Shilin yanyu: 6.82; Zhou Hui, Qingbo zazhi: 8.338. 86) See Li Tao, Xu Zizhi tongjian changbian: 167.4019. Cf. Zhou Hui, Qingbo zazhi: 8.338. Th e ineffi cacy of the prohibition is evinced also by a renewed prohibition of the horn combs in 1052 (with a one-month grace period), two and a half years after the promulgation of the original proscription. See Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao: yufu 4.7a. 176 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 discourses, but perhaps also in response to the challenge posed to the court by the elegant circles of the sophisticated capital.87 Commercial wealth, however, did not replace ritual signifi cance as a measure of value. Th e commodities traded in the markets and the possessions displayed by residents could ever assume portentous power or threaten ritual hierarchies, just as imperial cortèges and expanding restaurants, literati gardens and military fortifi cations, government offi ces and rental property, competed for the same crowded, commodifi ed, sacred space in the Eastern Capital. Conclusion Few traces of the Eastern Capital of the Song remain in Kaifeng today. Although the Jurchen conquerors used the city as one of the fi ve capitals of the Jin Empire (1114-1234), its population had greatly diminished and its former splendor had faded.88 Th e city wall of the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing (1636-1912) dynasties was built on the contours of the inner wall of Song Kaifeng.89 Th e deliberate fl ooding of the Yellow River during the civil wars of the late Ming buried the city deep under alluvial soil. Today, the Planting Charity Pagoda (“Splendid Pagoda”) of 974 and the Kaibao Monastery Pagoda (“Iron Pagoda”) of 1049 still stand, but most archaeological remains of Song times lie eight to eleven meters underground, where high groundwater impedes extensive excavation.90 Archaeologists have ascertained the contours of the walls of the Eastern Capital, the location of some of the gates and bridges, and the course of the Cai River, and they have excavated a few stretches of wall, the Reservoir of Metal’s Luster, 87) On the imperial encompassment of all discourses, see C. de Pee, “Material Ambiguity and the Hermetic Text: Cities, Tombs, and Middle-Period History.” Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 34 (2004): 88-90; Zito, Of Body and Brush: 13-50. 88) On the population of Kaifeng during the Jin dynasty, see Ma, Commercial Development: 138; Wu Songdi, Zhongguo renkou shi: 213-4. For a description of the appearance of the city under the Jin see, for example, Fan Chengda ???, Lanpei lu ??? (1170). In Fan Chengda biji liuzhong ??????? (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2002): 11-2. 89) See Kaifengshi wenwu gongzuodui, Kaifeng kaogu faxian: 156-62; Li Lian, Bianjing yiji zhi: 1.4. 90) On the pagodas, see Guojia wenwuju ?????, ed., Zhongguo wenwu ditu ji: Henan fence ???????:???? (Beijing: Zhongguo ditu chubanshe, 1991): 54; Henan shifan daxue dilixi ?????????, Gudu Kaifeng ???? (Beijing: Zhongguo lüyou chubanshe, 1982): 20-4, 34-6. On the conditions of archaeology, see Kaifengshi wenwu gongzuodui, Kaifeng kaogu faxian: 1. Purchase on Power 177 a few palace foundations, and the Prefectural Bridge that lay south of the main gate of the imperial city.91 Th e probes and limited excavations have confi rmed that Sun Yatsen Avenue in modern Kaifeng runs where formerly stretched the Avenue of Heaven.92 Th e fewness of the material traces of Song Kaifeng requires that the textual geographies of the Eastern Capital be studied with respectful care. Although it can be useful to determine by means of texts the precise location of streets and buildings, such a geographic reconstruction of the Song capital should not become the objectivist setting for a predetermined linear narrative, founded on the dense alluvial soil of structuralism, about the victory of capitalism or the doom of feudal decadence.93 Rather, the carriages and the pedestrians, the carts and boats, the tax grain and the portents, the imperial processions and the refugees, should be allowed to chart their distinct courses through the landscapes of edicts, memorials, fu, offi cial histories, and A Dream of Hua, to make visible the simultaneous, partial, overlapping topographies of a living city.94 Edicts replicate in their rarifi ed language the precious, privileged environs of the imperial palace. In memorials, the crude violations of corruption and deceit intrude into the orderly world of imperial virtue and ritual, represented by the stately formulas of the opening lines and the summation. Fu, with their natural fl ow of profuse 91) See Kaifengshi wenwu gongzuodui, Kaifeng kaogu faxian: 1-8, 134-204. Cf. Johnson, “Th e Place of Qingming shanghe tu”: 153-4. 92) See Kaifengshi wenwu gongzuodui, Kaifeng kaogu faxian: 142. 93) See, for example, Cheng Ziliang and Li Qingyin, Kaifeng chengshi shi: 57-9; Dai Junliang, Zhongguo chengshi fazhan shi: 207-8; Heng, Cities of Aristocrats and Bureaucrats: xvi; Sung Shee, “Cong keju yu yufu zhidu”; Wright, “Th e Cosmology of the Chinese City”: 60; Wu Tao, Bei Song ducheng Dongjing: 14; Zhou Baozhu, Songdai Dongjing yanjiu: 20. For a similar critique of reconfi gurations of the cityscape in time, see N. Zemon Davis, “Th e Sacred and the Body Social in Sixteenth-Century Lyon.” Past and Present 90 (1981): 41. 94) Cf. J. Boswell, The Life of Samuel Johnson, L.L.D. (1793; 1791; New York: Th e Modern Library, 1931): 256 (aetat. 54): I have often amused myself with thinking how diff erent a place London is to diff erent people. Th ey, whose narrow minds are contracted to the consideration of some one particular pursuit, view it only through that medium. A politician thinks of it merely as the seat of government in its diff erent departments; a grazier, as a vast market for cattle; a mercantile man, as a place where a prodigious deal of business is done upon ‘Change; a dramatick enthusiast, as the grand scene of theatrical entertainments; a man of pleasure, as an assemblage of taverns, and the great emporium for ladies of easy virtue. But the intellectual man is struck with it, as comprehending the whole of human life in all its variety, the contemplation of which is inexhaustible. 178 C. de Pee / JESHO 53 (2010) 149-184 goods and virtuous subjects, give perfect written expression to the imperial vision of the Eastern Capital, even if their perfect grid of streets and avenues be objectively false—just as the earliest extant maps of Kaifeng, with their ideally centered imperial city, render a true historical ideal of the city rather than an accurate topography.95 Th e crowded alleyways of A Dream of Hua and the allegorical streets of “Upstream during the Th ird Month” give form to the fading memories of a nostalgic flâneur and to the auspicious imagination of a court painter—however realistic they may appear to the modern eye. Within the extant corpus of texts from the Song period, the textual geography of imperial ideology predominates. Almost all texts extant today were composed by men who participated in the culture of the imperial examinations and offi cialdom and who, however vehemently they criticized the current practice of the court they served, assumed in their writings a civilized, civilizing center that grounded all meaning. A Dream of Hua, upheld by many historians as the truest representation of life in the Song Empire, stands apart within this corpus, with its fl uid, horizontal cityscape of oblivious consumption—and even the blissful vision of that text is informed in important part by the associations between peace, prosperity, and proper distinctions that are central to imperial ideology.96 Material culture, even material culture represented in texts, preserves confi gurations of power that extant texts rarely express directly. Modern scholarship has almost invariably presumed a widespread skepticism about imperial ideology, but such skepticism has at most a negative presence in the extant texts: Xu Shichuan’s [i.e., Xu Fu ??, 1075-1141] oldest son, Bi ?, whose polite name was Daijia ??, was impetuous, and an able writer. He once composed a letter of ten 95) See Chen Yuanjing ??? (attr.), (Xinbian qunshu leiyao) Shilin guangji ?????? ???? (1325; 1699; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1999): I.11.61b-62b. Cf. Johnson, “Th e Place of Qingming shanghe tu”: 151-2; Steinhardt, Chinese Imperial City Planning: 141. Stephen West proposes a useful distinction between what is “real” and what is “true.” See S. H. West, “Deconstructing History: Huizong in the Afterglow, Or the Deaths of a Troubling Emperor.” In Emperor Huizong and Late Northern Song China, eds P. M. Ebrey and M. Bickford (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006): 606-8. 96) On the misreadings of A Dream of Hua by historians, cf. West, “Th e Interpretation of a Dream.” On the uneasy place of commerce and consumption in classical writing, cf. R. Egan, The Problem of Beauty: Aesthetic Thought and Pursuits in Northern Song Dynasty China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006): 133-9, 162-236; West “Th e Interpretation of a Dream”: 85. Purchase on Power 179 thousand words that he intended to submit to the throne. It discussed the current state of government in extreme terms, without observing taboos or avoiding sensitive subjects. Shichuan happened to see it, and was greatly frightened. He snatched the letter and burnt it. Bi died young.97 Th e mutual dependence and the mutual constitution of imperial space and commercial space in the Eastern Capital off er a more specifi c, more concrete vision of alternative confi gurations of power—even if the robes and jewelry, the markets and shops, the walls and carriages of this vision exist within textual geographies rather than in a material reality. Th e fl uidity and mobility of commercial space caused great anxiety at the imperial court, which protected the fi xity and hierarchy of its ranked order with feudal honors and sumptuary laws. Commercial culture, in turn, depended entirely on the apparatus of the imperial government, being the growth of a consuming city funded by taxes and tribute, and many of its most avid architectural and sartorial fashions originated within the palace. And yet its alternative power structure of wealth and connections posed a worrisome challenge to the ritual order of the court, tempting its members to abandon the cosmological center for the uncentered fl uidity of conspicuous consumption, and to send out for unmatched rarities rather than rely on a natural fl ow of auspicious goods. Th e establishment of the capital within the limiting confi nes of an existing commercial city thus yielded unexpected consequences. Th e open infrastructure of the Central Plain supplied the imperial government and its servants with unprecedented effi ciency, but it also left the capital open to attack on all sides. Th e massive armies gathered to protect the city, and the diverse commercial culture that developed to provide for the everexpanding population created their own, secondary challenges to the legitimacy of the court. Th e ritual order of imperial avenues and the sumptuary competition of commercial alleyways do not represent diff erent stages of a linear historical development, but constitute a map of simultaneous, confl icting confi gurations of power, intersecting in the overlapping, incompatible textual geographies of the Eastern Capital. 97) Lu You, Laoxue’an biji: 2.20. 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